Posts Tagged ‘ Canada ’

Some thoughts on free speech

Professor Jerry Coyne has an excellent blog about evolution and, perhaps secondarily, atheism: Why Evolution Is True.  I have often re-shared his posts on various social media because they just make so much sense; and I will continue to do so.  Recently, however, Jerry took a bit of a swipe at Canada, and I must take exception.  I do this not because I’m a patriotic Canadian, but because I sincerely believe that freedom of speech as enshrined in the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States is extremely sub-optimal and largely responsible for the emergence of a uniquely American phenomenon, the right-wing nut job.

Jerry’s post, A Bad Week for Free Speech, covers recent happenings in Britain and India, in which events where changed or cancelled because of, as Jerry writes, “Muslims whose feelings were hurt.” He argues that those things run counter to the requirements of free speech as a key element of democracy.

Jerry writes: “Free speech is the backbone of those democracies, and, except for a few intimideated [sic] democracies like Canada and Ireland, free speech applies to all forms of criticism, political or religious.”  (The links in this quote are in Jerry’s original.)

The link for Canada points to the Wikipedia page on Holocaust Denial, and mention of Canada in that page regards the fact that Canada will generally have none of this Holocaust Denial business.  Since Jerry’s post is mostly about Islam, it’s not explicit how he sees Canada violating the notion of free speech.  I assume that he means that one should be free to deny the Holocaust, because that’s what freedom of speech is all about, and the discussions that will ensue will determine what is true and what isn’t.  If that isn’t the case, then I will certainly retract / rewrite this entry once the facts are made clear to me.

I believe that free speech is important, but that it must be tempered by what is actually known.

That is to say: one can allocate pretty much any topic of discussion into one of three categories: things that we know are true, things that we know are false, and things the truth of which we just don’t know.  Speech that intentionally advocates known falsehoods as if they were true is irrational because it (a) undermines the consistency of our body of knowledge and (b) generally leads to suffering.  These things happen because of the falsity of the statements made and the implications drawn from them used by some to decide on courses of action.  As such, that kind of speech should not be protected by laws of free speech.

When I say “we,” I mean the collective of humanity.  So while it is possible for “us” to know why the sky is blue, it isn’t the case that every individual knows it. But one may learn why the sky is blue because that information is readily available.  It isn’t wrong to be ignorant, but it is wrong to maintain a falsehood in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary.

This highlights a particular aspect of free speech that I think is often overlooked: humans are at best bounded reasoners.  We regularly reason with incomplete or incorrect information, and our reasoning processes are often themselves incorrect.  We can make up for these shortcomings through discussion and study, but the fact remains that many things that many people believe and say are just wrong.  Unfettered free speech would be fine in a world populated by perfect reasoning agents, but the assumption that we are perfect reasoners undermines the notion entirely.

Holocaust denial is an excellent case in point.  To the best of my knowledge, there is absolutely no doubt that the Holocaust happened.  This evidence has been accumulated over many years and with the work of thousands of individuals.  It results in a body of knowledge that is as good as we can possibly make it.  Denying that it happened is tantamount to denying that the sky is blue or that rocks fall when you drop them.  There are certainly many people who don’t know about the Holocaust.  There are even some who might be shocked to discover than humanity could have ever behaved so immorally, and so resist accepting it.  But the facts are the facts, and eventually every rational person must accept those facts because to do otherwise is to deny truth and reality.

There are, as far as I can tell, only two reasons that a person might persistently deny that the Holocaust happened in the face of the overwhelming evidence: either they are mentally ill, or they seek to foment disharmony and suffering.  In neither case should a caring society allow such speech to occur, because it is in no one’s interest – except the deniers – and their interests are suspect at least and evil at most.

In any case, if there were suddenly new evidence found that cast doubt on the occurrence of the Holocaust, there exists a well-defined mechanism for examining and determining the veracity of that evidence: academia.  If some Holocaust denier were truly in possession of such real evidence, it should be published in peer-reviewed journals, it should be subject to close study by experts in diverse fields that pertain, it should be vetted, replicated, and considered from every angle.  That’s what happens with every other serious claim; why should Holocaust denial be any different?

Instead, Holocaust deniers are weak reasoners, shrill and hateful creatures who try to spread their claims through mainstream media or through self-publication.  Why?  Some of them do it that way because they’re paranoid and believe that academe will quash their work.  Others simply haven’t the reasoning or language skills to pose their arguments in a way that pass muster in a freshman class on rhetoric and argumentation.  I’m sure that there are other reasons, but I quite honestly can’t be bothered to think about them.

Anyone can make a mistake.  I am not advocating for some kind of zero-tolerance on false speech.  I’m referring to the cases that are glaringly obvious.  Some examples are those in the Wikipedia page for Holocaust denial that pertain to Canada.  Those whose speech in Canada was limited are those who systematically continued to write and utter falsehoods in the face of readily available and overwhelming evidence that they were wrong.

There’s little to be gained by allowing entirely unfettered free speech.  (This is even evident in the US Constitution, which does place limits on free speech.)  And there is also much to be lost by the kind of free speech that is accepted in the US.  Consider all the time and money wasted by the right wing nut jobs and by the futile discussions resulting from lies that are spread via certain media outlets.  All that time and money could be used to achieve so many more meaningful goals.  And the unnecessary dissent that such free speech sows in a population just stalls more important and meaningful discussions from even being started.

There’s no need to focus exclusively on the Holocaust either.  Another subject very close to Jerry’s heart – and mine as well – has also been the subject of ridiculous counterarguments: evolution.  There is no doubt that the modern theory of evolution is the best possible explanation of the development of complex life on earth that humanity has ever developed.  It draws from evidence from disparate sciences, all of them not only confirming evolution as our best model, but simultaneously disproving every other model that has been proposed.  If someone finds a serious flaw in the theory of evolution, that person can publish it in the appropriate venues.  Once subjected to appropriate study and verification, there is no reason to think that a new model would not be forthcoming.  But until that happens, the rantings of, for instance, creationists and intelligent design advocates only distract us from progressing and waste precious resources that would be far better spent doing other things.  Creationism and intelligent design, in their current forms, are lies, and should not be afforded the protection of free speech.

There are plenty of things that can be discussed openly, even under Canada’s “limited” form of free speech – important things about international affairs, taxation, social policy, foreign aid, sustainability,… The list is very long.  These are all subjects about which truth is not necessarily available; these are all subjects about which meaningful discussion is absolutely necessary.  Seeking truth in its absence is always a good thing.  But preaching well-known falsehoods can never be good, because it leads to nothing good.  This is why free speech is important, but also why we must be willing to temper it with some limits based on what is known.

Politics, promises, and pandering to self-absorbed voters

There’s an election in the air.  It’s the Ontario Provincial election.  And, as usual, the politicians are pandering to voters by promising all kinds of silliness.  And voters are going to base their choices on election day based on the clearly falsifiable proposition that the politicians who are elected will keep their promises.  There’s a better way, though: voters should vote based on a politician’s (and a party’s) performance in the past, not their promises for the future.

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C-311, we hardly knew ye.

I’ve just joined the David Suzuki Foundation and its supporters in denouncing the undemocratic move by Conservative senators to kill the Climate Change Accountability Act (Bill C-311), November 16.

Please join us in demanding that the federal government defend Canada’s democratic traditions and the Earth’s biosphere by making governments accountable on climate change – and, if possible, ask three friends to join us, too.

Take action at http://action.davidsuzuki.org/C-311.

Harper’s changes to the census are an attack on science

fascism poster

Harper's census changes stink of fascism.

Steven Harper’s ultracon, intelligence-free government is at it again.  Der Führer von Kanada and his cronies have decided to drop the mandatory long census form that was distributed to one in five households, in favour of a different – and relatively useless – optional long form to be distributed to more people.  Besides the increased environmental impact (“optional” only means that more of them will end up unused in the trash), it undermines the information-gathering that is absolutely fundamental to plan for Canada’s future. (Updated 21 July 2010.)

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A case of wasteful information design

No HST

Bad design hurts everyone.

I like to point out bad designs, not because I’m a pessimist, but because I sincerely believe we all learn from our mistakes – unless, of course, no one points them out.  Here’s an example of bad “information design:” a pamphlet paid for by the Government of Ontario, describing tax changes arising from the introduction of the Harmonized Sales Tax (HST).

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GM needs remedial English lessons

The Chevy Logo, worn

Poor English makes Chevy adverts seem desparate.

I recently saw a billboard that advertised the Chevrolet Malibu.  The caption read: “By definition, an Accord is a Compromise.”  Very funny.  The ad also puzzled me, because I’d never thought the word “accord” had anything to do with “compromise.”

So I looked it up.  In four dictionaries, including the Concise Oxford Dictionary, I found no evidence of “accord” meaning in any sense a compromise.  Indeed, it typically referred to harmonious correspondence, or some kind of mutual agreement.

After a little Googling, I did find one site that actually uses the word “compromise” in its definition of “accord.”  But that particular sense is based on the interpretation of “accord” in American Law.

If GM were advertising to lawyers, then I’d have no problem with this ad.  But since it is clearly targeted at a much broader audience, it seems entirely inappropriate to focus on such a narrow – indeed, technical – sense of the word.  And the tone of the ad suggests a definitive statement about the word “accord” that discourages questioning it.

I know I wouldn’t want to live in a country where everyone used language as lawyers do….

I’m not sure what to make of this – except to think that using the narrow American legal sense of a word is a really smarmy thing to do, especially in Canada.  Indeed, I’d say this ad definitely qualifies for status in the weasel words lexicon.

Message to GM: go back to grade one and learn how to speak real English, not lawyer-ese.  And while you’re at it, stop thinking that Canadians would know or care about American legal definitions.

Harper’s new low: prorogation redux

Stephen Harper? Not!

Just Say No to Stephen Harper

It was a bone-headed idea the first time he did it; and it’s still a bone-headed idea now.  Our Great Poobah, Steven Harper, has prorogued parliament again.  Maybe he’s just a masochist.  Whatever he is, I’m sick of his childishness and wish he would just prorogue himself.

In case there’s anyone left who doesn’t know about this: Harper shut down parliament on 30 Dec, for a couple of months, because he wasn’t getting his way.  The act of shutting the government down like this is called prorogation.

Lots of people are mightily pissed off about this.  For example, there are several facebook groups dedicated to complaining about prorogation.  The one I joined, Canadians Against Proroguing Parliament, has over 220,000 members, and it has a regular website too.  Typically demure Canadians are atypically miffed at ol’ helmet-hair’s brazenness.  We’re unaccustomed to being taken advantage of quite so obviously.  Harper’s astounding arrogance is not something Canadians suffer gladly, but this isn’t really what burns my toast.

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The politics of pile-driving

I hate it when politics gets in the way of technology and common sense.

In Weston, a community in the Greater Toronto Area, a new mass transit railway is being installed by GO Transit.  Generally, I approve of the expansion of public transit, but in this particular case, there are a number of problems that are causing substantial grief for the residents of the area and make me wonder if this project shouldn’t be stopped – at least temporarily – until the problems can be solved.

To install the railway, many structural elements are being pile-driven into the ground.  Pile-driving is a noisy activity, generating noise at as much as 135 dB, which is somewhere between jackhammer and a jet engine.  And there’s a lot of piles to drive.  Since this project has just recently started, now is the time to make sure that the right technology has been chosen for the job.

There is a “blanket” that is supposed to be installed around the head of the pile-driver, and that can lower the source sound by 15 dB.  (Remember that doubling how loud a noise is adds only 10 dB to the noise rating, so 140 dB is twice as loud as 130 dB.)  But it apparently takes 30-40 minutes to install and to remove, and this seems to be unacceptable to GO.  To confuse matters even more, the installer (GO) is a provincial entity, and the land on which the work is being done is federal land.  GO is saying it’s exempt, therefore, from City of Toronto noise regulations (which seem to be violated quite seriously in this case).

Now, it happens that there’s lots of ways to mitigate the noise.  One way would just be to say: Follow the rules, use the existent blanket, or we’ll sue.  There are also sound dampening walls, but it seems they are not exactly positioned in ideal locations.  Then there’s a variety of other technologies, one of which is outlined in this paper, that show marked noise reductions.

It’s clear that the noise is harmful, and it’s clear that there are ways to lessen the noise.  So what’s the problem?

Part of the answer may lie in papers like this one, the abstract of which I include verbatim:

This paper describes how the Florida Department of Transportation, (FDOT), District II, as a result of various ongoing legal issues with the City of Jacksonville, was abruptly forced to meet compliance within the City of Jacksonville Noise Ordinance program for all ongoing construction projects within the city limits. Specifically FDOT was required to meet the Jacksonville Environmental Protection Board – Rule 4.0 Noise Pollution Control (Section 4.208 Construction or Maintenance Projects). This section of the noise ordinance limits construction related noise levels to 65 dBA when measured at the closest adjacent residential land use property line. Further, the noise ordinance specifically required that all compliance noise monitoring was to be conducted with a real time octave band analyzer. Due to the close proximity of residential land uses along both the east and west sides of Saint Johns Bluff Road, along with the significant noise levels associated with pile driving operations, the FDOT was forced to develop a reasonable and feasible noise abatement technique that would allow the timely completion of the pile driving phase of the roadway construction project. Failure to comply with the local jurisdiction noise ordinance would result in potential project delays until compliance was demonstrated to the City of Jacksonville. The enforcement of this local jurisdiction noise ordinance had wide spread implications ranging from potential project delays on all roadway work within the city limits to increased traffic congestion on roadway projects under construction. Further, all roadway construction projects previously approved by the FDOT had to consider an increased project cost that would specifically include the necessary noise abatement techniques to meet the City of Jacksonville Noise Ordinance for Construction Projects.

Notice the use of language here: FDOT was abruptly forced to obey the law, forced to develop a “reasonable and feasible” way to lessen the noise, and that failure to comply would delay the project, cause increased traffic, and increased cost of future projects.  No where does this abstract mention the health impact of this kind of noise, and the obligation of FDOT to the people of Florida.  And shouldn’t we expect governments to come up with “reasonable” solutions without being forced to do so?  If this attitude is pervasive in the public works world, it doesn’t surprise me at all that we’re having problems in Weston.

So, the problem isn’t technological: there are ways to lower the intensity of the sound.  The problem, it seems to me, is purely political.  There are three levels of government involved here (which is ‘way too many cooks in this kitchen), and they’re not playing fair.

This is one helluva design problem because of the constraints on the system, namely that every level of government is trying to do the least amount of work, and they’re all working for different stakeholder groups and therefore have different (i.e. conflicting) goals.  The City of Toronto is interested in the local residents, but they lack the funding to implement the platinum-level solution themselves – indeed, it likely lacks the funding to try to force the others to satisfy the residents.  GO Transit (the Province of Ontario) has to keep costs severely in check or the rest of the province will start thinking that Toronto is getting most of the available funding, which is politically bad.  The Feds don’t give a tinker’s cuss about this whole matter, because public transit is not something that Ottawa lobbyists (e.g. the auto sector, the petroleum sector, the insurance sector) care about.

I don’t have a feasible solution here, because I refuse to offer a political solution.  Since politics is a purely human construct, it can never outweigh other, real factors, like the health of individuals.  That politics does influence this situation at all scares me.

The correct answer is that the primary stakeholders are the City of Toronto and its residents.  They stand to gain the most from the new GO line, and they stand to suffer the most if and when things go wrong.  So the Province and the Feds should give control of the entire project to the City on a cost recovery basis: As the City identifies costs, the other levels of government just hand over the money to get it done.  If the project ends up costing more than it should have, then too bad – they’ll just have to cough up more cash.

Because people are worth it.

A Canadian design strategy? Not anytime soon.

Recent talk of developing a Canadian “design strategy” won’t happen till we decide what we mean by design.

I noticed a couple of recent articles that seem to focus on developing a Canadian design strategy – whatever that is. A strategy is a long-term plan of action to achieve a goal. So what’s the goal? How does design help us achieve the goal? What special place, if any, must design occupy with respect to other strategies? Oddly, I’ve not seen that goal stated, ever. We can, however, usually infer it from the strategy itself.

One article I’ve read is by Sara Diamond, President of OCAD. I know Sara, and I have a great deal of respect for her work, including her presidency of the College. But I have to wonder about some of the statements in that article. Even the very first line is worrying: “Canada houses the third-largest design capacity in North America.” Wikipedia informs me that North America contains 23 countries and 18 dependencies, but if you look at the list of countries, you’ll see that – well, coming in third in this cohort is nothing to write home about.

Reading the article, it is evident that Sara sees design as fundamental to virtually every aspect of society. This is troubling to me, for two reasons.

First, if design is everywhere, then it essentially becomes nothing. We can only distinguish things by comparing it to other things. We can’t tell that something tastes like chicken if we’ve never tasted anything else, because everything tastes like chicken. This also hides the still very distinct and often fractioned “disciplines of design” (architecture, industrial design, graphic design, engineering design, etc) which tend to lead people to work at cross-purposes.

Second, as posited by Sara, design overlaps significantly with many other enterprises: business, sustainability, economics, manufacturing, and so on. Some would take this to suggest that designers are trying to “co-opt” these other domains, and nothing good will come of that.

The real problem is that there is no clear sense of what design is. Too many people think design is what’s done by oddly-dressed, self-absorbed half-wits on television.

Back to the business of strategic goals. What goal that we can meet with a design strategy might we infer from Sara’s article? The only goal I can see is to build a better, healthier, safer, happier, and thriving country. But that kind of goal doesn’t only apply to design, so now design becomes a paradigm in competition with every other paradigm that advertises similar goals. And that will distract all the participants from the goal itself, which again is not good.

Don’t get me wrong. I believe design is both essential to our future and utterly ignored in Canada. Something’s gotta give. But we need to think more about what design is before we can start talking about national strategies.

A second article I read is by Peter Jones: What is the contribution of Design in a national economy? Here, the tone is clearly targetted to the financial, though based on Sara’s article. Peter zeroes in on one of Sara’s thoughts in particular: the notion of STEM-D – science, technology, engineering, medicine, and design. There’s a lot of talk about STEM these days as a super-structure of disciplines that is somehow particularly important to humanity. Sara seems to have borrowed the notion of STEM-D (regular STEM + Design) from – of all sources – Microsoft. (Thankfully, a quick Google search reassures me that STEM-D didn’t originate within The Evil Empire.)

Again, I have to worry when I read things like “…the diverse and diffuse discipline of design….” Diffuse? Diverse? This could sound to some that design is as fluffy as the latest new age fad. Which couldn’t be further from the truth.

Peter also writes about the importance of spotlighting “design thinking,” but this term is just as vague as “design” itself. If you look at what Wikipedia has to say about design thinking, you’ll see some interesting morsels, but nothing that will help you do design thinking. And there are problems there too; for example, the process that Wikipedia suggests what design researchers often refer to as systematic design, where designing is set forth as a process consisting of roughly sequential stages. While such a process may soothe the easily ruffled feathers of management and beancounters, it doesn’t really represent designing as it happens in vivo.

Back to design strategies. Strategies are for achieving goals, but the goals ain’t clear. And we don’t know (really) what design is. So it’s going to be pretty hard to develop a design strategy – let alone a Canadian design strategy – till we get these other things sorted.

Indeed, I would argue that understanding design has to come before strategizing. A design strategy would lay out how designing can be used to achieve a goal. But how can you strategize without knowing the tool by which that strategy will be implemented? Wouldn’t it be much easier to figure out what goals we can attain through design, and strategize on reaching those goals, if we knew what design is?

So it comes back to defining design. And that’s a big, thorny issue in itself. Put 10 design experts in a room and you’ll likely get at least 10 different definitions of design out. To amuse myself, I try to track various definitions of design and designing that I’ve encountered in my readings of the literature. Even a quick review will make it evident there is no consensus yet. (Note that most of the literature I read comes from the technical side of design – even so, the breadth of definitions is bordering on the absurd.)

Some people are scared of definitions. I was once told by an eminent researcher that the need to define terms is some kind of bad habit of the bourgois that was intellectually terminated in the 17th Century. I still can’t figure out what that means. The arguments that I do understand tend to relate to a fear of prescription – the assignment by fiat of the will of a few members of some elite group upon the rest of the people. Of course, that’s not really what a “prescription” is, but that’s how some people seem to take it.

Personally, I take a descriptive approach to definitions. That is, I see a definition as a description of what a thing is, as perceived by an appropriately representative audience. The general approach that I like best is what was used to establish the Oxford English Dictionary. That process is described wonderfully in Simon Winchester’s book The Meaning of Everything. Basically, the OED is based on deriving the meaning of a word from how it is used in the living language – how a word is used leads to its definition. This is definitely not a prescriptive way of doing things.

This way of defining things is intimately tied to practise, as opposed to research or teaching. David Sless has written very nicely about the importance of evidence-based work, which includes studying how things are actually done, and how things were done in the past. I might summarize the notion with a quote of George Santayana: Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

This hasn’t been enough to allay the fears of my colleagues that definitions are bad. To overcome this, I’ve gone as far as trying to define what design is not, by looking for boundaries between designing and other activities.

For example, many people would describe designing as a kind of problem solving. But clearly there are some problems solved by non-designerly methods. For instance, finding the maximum stress in some element of a truss, or finding the roots of a quadratic equation are both typically described as “problems,” but their solution does not involve designing. So somewhere between designing and problem-solving there is a boundary – or more specifically, a boundary layer – where things change from being designing to being non-designerly problem-solving. Personally, I think the boundary layer between problem-solving and designing is marked by so-called wicked problems. Designing is, then, problem-solving for wicked problems. If the problem ain’t wicked, then you don’t need to design the solution.

If we proceed with all the other activities that designing has been likened to (planning, creativity, specification, etc.) and find the corresponding boundary layers, then we can draw a border – a rather thick border, but a border nonetheless – around design. Then whatever is inside the bordered region constitutes designing. The boundary layers themselves constitute those grey areas where it’s hard to tell if designing is happening. We can then merrily explore the bordered region and try to figure out what designing actually is, knowing at the outset what it isn’t.

Once we do that, we’ll be able to construct a proper design strategy.

Blue Budget Blues

Stephen Harper’s contempt for Canada shines through in the 2009 Federal Conservative Budget.

At the end of 2008, there was a huge brouhaha when Stephen Harper’s cronies presented a gut-wrenchingly useless fiscal update. The opposition parties formed a coalition designed to bring Harper’s government down – which is a perfectly legal manoeuvre. Harper then did what any spoiled child does when the game isn’t going his way – he took his ball and went home (otherwise known as “proroguing parliament“), promising to generate a new-and-improved budget by the end of January.

The new budget was rolled out on the 27th. You can just google “canada budget 2009″ if you want to read the gory details. I’m not about to waste bandwidth summarizing it here. I do want to list, however, a few of the things that are wrong with it. This list is more than sufficient, as far as I’m concerned, to condemn the budget in its entirety.

It’s not enough. Even though the budget is being advertised as being intended to address the current hard economic times, it’s no where near the kind of budget that other nations have been mounting. According to The Star, the actual stimulus amounts to 1.3% of our GDP, which is “…clearly in the bottom ranks among major industrial nations’ response to the recession, and barely two-thirds of the 2 per cent advocated by the International Monetary Fund as an appropriate fiscal response.” So Harper lacks the courage – the stones – to actually try to address our economic troubles.

The budget is unprincipled. Harper said that conservatives must be pragmatic, not ideological. Pragmatism can be useful, but it must be grounded in ideology. Practicality without underlying ideals is activity without a moral centre. Ideals are essential, even if they’re unattainable. They point the way by which we can improve. If we’re “here” and our ideal is “over there” then we can measure whether we’re improving things by gauging whether we’re getting closer to the ideal. Ideals – captured in an ideology – are the principles that guide pragmatic decision-making. So if Harper says ideology is unnecessary, then it follows that he must be unprincipled. And since his actions run counter to this perfectly rational argument, Harper is also irrational.

Corporate bailouts cater to corrupt businesses. The budget includes cash infusions for struggling businesses. But there are no real constraints on the businesses as a result of the help. These companies are in financial trouble because of their well-documented, highly irresponsible practises (look at how disproportinate the compensation is for high level executives in the American auto industry – see my post about the salary pyramid). Basically, these bailouts – let’s call them what they really are – amount to federal permission for companies to keep screwing up. This does no one any good. Sure, in the near term, bailouts will help keep workers employed. But the underlying causes – the corporate rot festering in many big corporations – will continue to grow. These companies will not change the way they operate in any substantive way, so the bottom will eventually fall out, and everyone will be in much worse shape. As they say: an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.

Instead of giving dysfunctional corporations billions of dollars for the sake of keeping people employed in the near term, the government should invest the money to retrain those workers so they can get other jobs, improve Employment Insurance to cover them while they’re finding those jobs, and let the sick companies die. Indeed, the government should provide “palliative care” by ensuring a controlled but definitely terminal descent into corporate oblivion. Propping up failing companies is a band-aid solution that will only make matters worse in the long run. Letting them collapse now will cause far less damage. Given this, it is clear to me that Harper can’t see past the end of his fiscal nose.

Micromanagement is always bad. The budget includes puny, targeted tax breaks – for instance, you can get up to $1,300 back for renovating your home. $1,300? That’s not enough to re-do a bathtub, let alone a bathroom. My wife and I expect to do some serious renovations soon, and $1,300 won’t be enough to cover the GST! If you’re going to do any serious renovation, $1,300 is a drop in the bucket. If the point of this part of the budget is to stimulate spending, it’s an abject failure because it is a negligible amount compared to the costs of any reasonable renovation work.

It is also far too specific. Why limit this tax break only to home renovations? What lobby group got to Harper and convinced him to toss this little biscuit their way? Why not give single mothers $1,300 to buy food and clothes for their children? Or $1,300 free public transit for the working poor? There’s a thousand ways to better direct this money. What Harper is doing here is micromanaging people’s lives…. “You want a tax break? You have to do exactly what I say!” He’s interfering with our lives; he’s trying to have us live according to what he and his cronies think is best for us.

Too much red tape. Much of the funding allocated to cities in the budget is “by application;” that is, cities will have to fill out tonnes of paperwork and undergo protracted approval processes to get money, even for projects that have already been approved at all levels of government. Toronto’s Mayor, David Miller, an indefatigable defender of cities’ needs, had discussed this long before the budget was announced. (That is, Harper knew very well what the cities needed when he was assembling the budget. He just chose to ignore it.) Mayor Miller has made it clear that there are many essential projects that are ready to start immediately, except for the necessary funding. The federal budget should have contained direct payments to the cities to let those essential projects start at once.

Instead, Harper’s control-mongering has resulted in a process that requires the cities to apply for and justify the need for funding, information that was already provided to the Feds in the course of getting all the necessary approvals. This means many projects that could start the day after the budget is approved, will be delayed by upwards of two years.

In the meantime, Toronto – and the other big Canadian cities – will suffer.

Continued neglect of public transit. While the budget includes a great deal of infrastructure money, not enough of it is dedicated to urban public transit. Most transportation-based pollution is coming from cities, yet the infrastructure money is so thinly distributed across the country that no province or group will get enough to make any significant progress to combat it.

The fact is that cities are the economic, cultural, and technological centres of our civilization. Outstanding public transit is an essential feature of any outstanding urban centre. Look across the world and this will be immediately apparent. Toronto could be a world-class city, but until the Feds recognize this and give Toronto (and Vancouver and Montreal) the real resources they need, Canada’s cities will always be second-rate, compared to London, Rome, Paris, Tokyo….

Perhaps this is all because Harper’s main supporters are ignorant yahoos that generally live outside of the intellectually, socially, and culturally enlightened urban areas. Or perhaps it’s just that Harper is stupid. The reason doesn’t matter; the fact remains that this budget is utterly inadequate for the heart of Canada’s society – it’s cities.

It’s a liberal budget. Well, not really; but it’s close. The budget implications arising from Harper’s original 2008 fiscal update are much more in keeping with Conservative dogma: focus on corporate wealth instead of individual health; lower taxes at the expense of government programs; rigidly maintain the status quo; try to reverse progress (e.g. interfering with continued efforts to further gender equality).

Instead, what we got in 2009 was clearly a budget that responded to the liberal threat to bring down the Conservative government (by way of a coalition), by adopting certain quasi-liberal budgetary features. It was a well-played political trick: the liberals can’t really oppose the budget without opposing their own principles.

Whether the budget really is a liberal one or not is not the point.

The point is this: Harper betrayed his own Conservative philosophy for the sake of keeping power. That is, Stephen Harper is such a power-mongering coward that he could not stick to his principles and produce a proper Conservative-style budget. Instead, he was a traitor to his own ideology for the sake of remaining Prime Minister.

Oh, wait – I forgot, Harper doesn’t believe in ideology.

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